Artigo deRussell Kirk no The Imaginative Conservative
The chief principles which have characterized American
conservative thought are these:
(1) Men and
nations are governed by moral laws; and those laws have their origin in a
wisdom that is more than human—in divine justice. At heart, political problems
are moral and religious problems. The wise statesman tries to apprehend the
moral law and govern his conduct accordingly. We have a moral debt to our
ancestors, who bestowed upon us our civilization, and a moral obligation to the
generations who will come after us. This debt is ordained of God. We have no
right, therefore, to tamper impudently with human nature or with the delicate
fabric of our civil social order.
(2) Variety and
diversity are the characteristics of a high civilization. Uniformity and
absolute equality are the death of all real vigor and freedom in existence.
Conservatives resist with impartial strength the uniformity of a tyrant or an
oligarchy, and the uniformity of what Tocqueville called “democratic
despotism.”
(3) Justice
means that every man and every woman have the right to what is their own—to the
things best suited to their own nature, to the rewards of their ability and
integrity, to their property and their personality. Civilized society requires
that all men and women have equal rights before the law, but that equality
should not extend to equality of condition: that is, society is a great
partnership, in which all have equal rights—but not to equal things. The just
society requires sound leadership, different rewards for different abilities,
and a sense of respect and duty.
(4) Property and
freedom are inseparably connected; economic leveling is not economic progress.
Conservatives value property for its own sake, of course; but they value it
even more because without it all men and women are at the mercy of an
omnipotent government.
(5) Power is
full of danger; therefore the good state is one in which power is checked and
balanced, restricted by sound constitutions and customs. So far as possible,
political power ought to be kept in the hands of private persons and local
institutions. Centralization is ordinarily a sign of social decadence.
(6) The past is
a great storehouse of wisdom; as Burke said, “the individual is foolish, but
the species is wise.” The conservative believes that we need to guide ourselves
by the moral traditions, the social experience, and the whole complex body of
knowledge bequeathed to us by our ancestors. The conservative appeals beyond
the rash opinion of the hour to what Chesterton called “the democracy of the
dead”—that is, the considered opinions of the wise men and women who died
before our time, the experience of the race. The conservative, in short, knows
he was not born yesterday.
(7) Modern
society urgently needs true community: and true community is a world away from
collectivism. Real community is governed by love and charity, not by compulsion.
Through churches, voluntary associations, local governments, and a variety of
institutions, conservatives strive to keep community healthy. Conservatives are
not selfish, but public-spirited. They know that collectivism means the end of
real community, substituting uniformity for variety and force for willing
cooperation.
(8) In the
affairs of nations, the American conservative feels that his country ought to
set an example to the world, but ought not to try to remake the world in its
image. It is a law of politics, as well as of biology, that every living thing
loves above all else—even above its own life—its distinct identity, which sets
it off from all other things. The conservative does not aspire to domination of
the world, nor does he relish the prospect of a world reduced to a single
pattern of government and civilization.
(9) Men and
women are not perfectible, conservatives know; and neither are political
institutions. We cannot make a heaven on earth, though we may make a hell. We
all are creatures of mingled good and evil; and, good institutions neglected
and ancient moral principles ignored, the evil in us tends to predominate.
Therefore the conservative is suspicious of all utopian schemes. He does not
believe that, by power of positive law, we can solve all the problems of
humanity. We can hope to make our world tolerable, but we cannot make it
perfect. When progress is achieved, it is through prudent recognition of the
limitations of human nature.
(10) Change and
reform, conservatives are convinced, are not identical: moral and political
innovation can be destructive as well as beneficial; and if innovation is
undertaken in a spirit of presumption and enthusiasm, probably it will be
disastrous. All human institutions alter to some extent from age to age, for
slow change is the means of conserving society, just as it is the means for
renewing the human body. But American conservatives endeavor to reconcile the
growth and alteration essential to our life with the strength of our social and
moral traditions. With Lord Falkland, they say, “When it is not necessary to
change, it is necessary not to change.” They understand that men and women are
best content when they can feel that they live in a stable world of enduring
values.
Conservatism, then,
is not simply the concern of the people who have much property and influence;
it is not simply the defense of privilege and status. Most conservatives are
neither rich nor powerful. But they do, even the most humble of them, derive
great benefits from our established Republic. They have liberty, security of
person and home, equal protection of the laws, the right to the fruits of their
industry, and opportunity to do the best that is in them. They have a right to
personality in life, and a right to consolation in death. Conservative
principles shelter the hopes of everyone in society. And conservatism is a
social concept important to everyone who desires equal justice and personal
freedom and all the lovable old ways of humanity. Conservatism is not simply a
defense of “capitalism.” (“Capitalism,” indeed, is a word coined by Karl Marx,
intended from the beginning to imply that the only thing conservatives defend
is vast accumulations of private capital.) But the true conservative does
stoutly defend private property and a free economy, both for their own sake and
because these are means to great ends.
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